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On a recent talk show, a Washington-wise commentator said some American Jews in the pro-Israel lobby are trying to persuade the Clinton administration to put more pressure on the Netanyahu regime. Their object, the commentator said, is to get Israel to suspend construction of Jewish housing in the Har Homa district of Jerusalem.

Once upon a time, most Jews would never have complained to the American government about Israel. That reticence has apparently broken down a bit. Conflicting signals are being sent by Jews to Congress and the White House. This division has caused some perturbed eyebrow-lifting throughout the Jewish community.

In a couple of polls, slightly more than half of the Israelis surveyed have opposed building in Har Homa at this time. More than seven out of 10 Israelis believe that this Jewish housing development should be built in East Jerusalem — but only about four out of 10 think the timing is right. American Jews are similarly divided.

On the other hand, this does not seem the best time for Jews to send conflicting messages to American policy-makers. The strategy of Israel's enemies is still to isolate the Jewish state, and there are not that many useful friends around.

France, for example, would sell pitchforks to the devil, and enjoy it a little more if the Evil One were anti-Israel.

American support is critical for Israel's future security. But American foreign policy in general is in a shambles. Since the end of the Cold War, both the White House and Congress have been steering the ship of state in drunken circles. Our policy toward China is a prime example. Israel is still an American favorite, but some of the reasons for this are not as firm as they once were.

Americans never were as passionately pro-Israel as they were anti-Arab. But Arab flirtations with the Soviet Union are, of course, over. And some Arab leaders have not only found Western tailors, but they are also presenting a more sympathetic image: Witness the king of Jordan kneeling apologetically before Israeli victims.

The fact is that some Americans feel close to Israel mainly because they feel close to American Jews. More have followed the lead of American policy-makers who are, in turn, close to the many Jews active in their political circles. If those Jews began to quarrel seriously among themselves, then top-level support for Israel could slip.

But the split among American Jews is not that destructive if we carefully lay out the boundaries. Most important is that United States should remain heavily involved in the Middle East and its peace process, a view enjoying strong consensus among American Jews. If the United States pulled back from involvement, it would send a signal that would dangerously embolden Arab leaders.

In addition, there is already some feeling among Israelis and Arabs that the administration's high-level, hands-on attention to the Middle East has become a little slack. If this issue slips on the agenda, it will signify to Arab leaders and to the American public a loss of interest in Israel's security.

Of course, if the United States is to remain usefully involved, it has to push at least a little on both sides. There is nothing wrong with the United States saying, "We think that Har Homa construction was ill-timed," as long as it doesn't allow Israel to be made the overall villain, or strain for some mythical equality of villainhood between Israel and the Palestinian Authority.

Of course, such pronouncements, one way or another, do not constitute real involvement.

So no harm will be done if, in writing to their members of Congress, some American Jews differ with others on whether Har Homa was a mistake. What's critical is that both camps strongly urge the United States to stay committed to Israeli security and involved in actively pushing and brokering a careful peace process.

The great majority of Israelis want that, as do American Jews.